Sunday, May 07, 2006
My Hero Feingold says it all....again....his stance on Gay Marriage
Gay rights backers see chance for victory here
By CRAIG GILBERT
Posted: May 7, 2006
Washington -
In an election year roiled by Iraq, immigration and gas prices, gay marriage may seem like a second-tier issue.
But next month, the U.S. Senate will consider a constitutional amendment defining marriage as a union between a man and a woman. And this fall, voters in at least a half-dozen states will decide ballot proposals against gay marriage.
Wisconsin is not only one of those states but it is emerging as the main event in the nation's ballot battles over same-sex unions. Gay rights supporters have never defeated such a referendum and are convinced Wisconsin is their best shot at ending that cross-country losing streak. Their success - in the ultimate swing state - would give the contest national significance.
"So far, the same-sex marriage proponents are O-for-everything. If they can win one, that's actually big news for them," said Marquette political scientist Christopher Wolfe, who sits on the board of the Wisconsin Coalition for Traditional Marriage, which backs the gay marriage ban.
In a speech here Saturday night to the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, Senate Democrat Russ Feingold vowed to help defeat the Wisconsin referendum, declaring that marriage "is not always and should not always be between a man and a woman."
Along with his state, Feingold may provide his own case study in the politics of gay marriage. Like most Democrats, he opposes a constitutional amendment defining marriage, an amendment that is expected to fail in the Senate next month.
But he has gone a significant step further and declared his personal belief that gays and lesbians should be able to marry. He is one of only four U.S. senators - and the only potential 2008 presidential candidate - to do so.
Feingold has surprised even some gay rights advocates by stating his endorsement in such plain and unequivocal language, in contrast to the personal qualms about gay marriage typically voiced by political figures who support civil unions. Along with being honored at Saturday's dinner, the senator drew several standing ovations.
"So many other politicians dodge and weave on this," said Matt Foreman, executive director of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force.
Saying what he feels
As a political matter, Feingold's stand could enhance his image among liberal voters as a fearless progressive, on top of sharp stands against the Iraq war and the Patriot Act and domestic surveillance. But it also could marginalize him among more tradition-minded voters and fuel questions even among Democrats about his national electability.
"It goes against a lot of what people were brought up to believe, let's face it," Feingold said in an interview last week. He said he declared his views because he was going to have to vote on the Wisconsin referendum.
"I thought it was best just to say what I really have concluded, that this is really the ultimate civil rights issue, not just a state's rights issue, and that I support gay marriage. If two people care enough about each other that they want to get married, they ought to be able to," he said.
Opponents of gay marriage say all it would take is another controversial judicial ruling to stoke feelings on the issue, and court cases are pending.
The issue "ebbs and flows with what's happening in the courts and what's happening in an election. . . . We're in an ebbing cycle. People need a rest," said Julaine Appling, executive director of the Family Research Institute of Wisconsin and coordinator of the Wisconsin Coalition for Traditional Marriage.
Appling is in the thick of a Wisconsin campaign that will be closely watched by partisans across the country. The general view on both sides is that supporters of the gay marriage ban have started out ahead in the battle for public opinion.
But gay rights groups and allies have organized early and avidly through a group called Fair Wisconsin. The organization claims 6,000 volunteers and has 22 full- or part-time staffers, many of whom have been on board for more than a year.
"It really is a state (where) for many reasons, the stars are aligning," said Carrie Evans of the Human Rights Campaign, a leading national gay rights group.
Indications cited
She cites the early mobilizing as well as the vocal support of prominent Democrats, which has sometimes been lacking in other states. Among them: Feingold; Madison Democrat Tammy Baldwin, the first open lesbian to win a seat in Congress; Milwaukee U.S. Rep. Gwen Moore; and Gov. Jim Doyle.
Other opponents of the gay marriage ban say Wisconsin's perceived independence and unpredictability, along with its relatively low share of evangelical voters, are helpful.
Appling concedes the battle is not a slam dunk for opponents of gay marriage. "We're not in the Bible Belt. We're not Louisiana or Mississippi or Georgia and all those other states where we've had a much easier time," she said. "We take nothing for granted."
But Appling contends that the referendum's opponents have "misjudged the demographics," that the "rank and file Wisconsin citizen, when he or she goes into that voting booth, will read (the proposition) and say, 'Yeah, marriage is between a man and woman.' "
A campaign costing several million dollars is expected. Appling's group brought in conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly for a fund-raiser last week and has scheduled a "pastors summit" on the issue for May 16.
Wider implications
The referendum could have a political impact on other November contests, such as the fierce battle for governor between Doyle and Republican U.S. Rep. Mark Green of Green Bay.
The common wisdom is that state referendums on gay marriage helped boost GOP turnout in 2004, though some scholars dispute that.
"Having a gay marriage question on the ballot had little or no impact," said Emory University political scientist Alan Abramowitz.
But he said such a referendum might have more impact in a lower-turnout midterm election where the presidential race is not the overwhelming factor that draws people to the polls.
"It's going to draw out evangelicals. It's also going to draw out a lot of people on the other side. I think it will probably marginally improve the chances for Republicans," said Wolfe, of Marquette University.
Feingold offered a somewhat different prediction. "My view is not only is it possible this thing could be defeated," he said, "but it may end up driving turnout on the progressive side in a way that Republicans didn't anticipate."
From the May 8, 2006 editions of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
© 2006, Journal Sentinel Inc. All rights reserved.
By CRAIG GILBERT
Posted: May 7, 2006
Washington -
In an election year roiled by Iraq, immigration and gas prices, gay marriage may seem like a second-tier issue.
But next month, the U.S. Senate will consider a constitutional amendment defining marriage as a union between a man and a woman. And this fall, voters in at least a half-dozen states will decide ballot proposals against gay marriage.
Wisconsin is not only one of those states but it is emerging as the main event in the nation's ballot battles over same-sex unions. Gay rights supporters have never defeated such a referendum and are convinced Wisconsin is their best shot at ending that cross-country losing streak. Their success - in the ultimate swing state - would give the contest national significance.
"So far, the same-sex marriage proponents are O-for-everything. If they can win one, that's actually big news for them," said Marquette political scientist Christopher Wolfe, who sits on the board of the Wisconsin Coalition for Traditional Marriage, which backs the gay marriage ban.
In a speech here Saturday night to the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, Senate Democrat Russ Feingold vowed to help defeat the Wisconsin referendum, declaring that marriage "is not always and should not always be between a man and a woman."
Along with his state, Feingold may provide his own case study in the politics of gay marriage. Like most Democrats, he opposes a constitutional amendment defining marriage, an amendment that is expected to fail in the Senate next month.
But he has gone a significant step further and declared his personal belief that gays and lesbians should be able to marry. He is one of only four U.S. senators - and the only potential 2008 presidential candidate - to do so.
Feingold has surprised even some gay rights advocates by stating his endorsement in such plain and unequivocal language, in contrast to the personal qualms about gay marriage typically voiced by political figures who support civil unions. Along with being honored at Saturday's dinner, the senator drew several standing ovations.
"So many other politicians dodge and weave on this," said Matt Foreman, executive director of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force.
Saying what he feels
As a political matter, Feingold's stand could enhance his image among liberal voters as a fearless progressive, on top of sharp stands against the Iraq war and the Patriot Act and domestic surveillance. But it also could marginalize him among more tradition-minded voters and fuel questions even among Democrats about his national electability.
"It goes against a lot of what people were brought up to believe, let's face it," Feingold said in an interview last week. He said he declared his views because he was going to have to vote on the Wisconsin referendum.
"I thought it was best just to say what I really have concluded, that this is really the ultimate civil rights issue, not just a state's rights issue, and that I support gay marriage. If two people care enough about each other that they want to get married, they ought to be able to," he said.
Opponents of gay marriage say all it would take is another controversial judicial ruling to stoke feelings on the issue, and court cases are pending.
The issue "ebbs and flows with what's happening in the courts and what's happening in an election. . . . We're in an ebbing cycle. People need a rest," said Julaine Appling, executive director of the Family Research Institute of Wisconsin and coordinator of the Wisconsin Coalition for Traditional Marriage.
Appling is in the thick of a Wisconsin campaign that will be closely watched by partisans across the country. The general view on both sides is that supporters of the gay marriage ban have started out ahead in the battle for public opinion.
But gay rights groups and allies have organized early and avidly through a group called Fair Wisconsin. The organization claims 6,000 volunteers and has 22 full- or part-time staffers, many of whom have been on board for more than a year.
"It really is a state (where) for many reasons, the stars are aligning," said Carrie Evans of the Human Rights Campaign, a leading national gay rights group.
Indications cited
She cites the early mobilizing as well as the vocal support of prominent Democrats, which has sometimes been lacking in other states. Among them: Feingold; Madison Democrat Tammy Baldwin, the first open lesbian to win a seat in Congress; Milwaukee U.S. Rep. Gwen Moore; and Gov. Jim Doyle.
Other opponents of the gay marriage ban say Wisconsin's perceived independence and unpredictability, along with its relatively low share of evangelical voters, are helpful.
Appling concedes the battle is not a slam dunk for opponents of gay marriage. "We're not in the Bible Belt. We're not Louisiana or Mississippi or Georgia and all those other states where we've had a much easier time," she said. "We take nothing for granted."
But Appling contends that the referendum's opponents have "misjudged the demographics," that the "rank and file Wisconsin citizen, when he or she goes into that voting booth, will read (the proposition) and say, 'Yeah, marriage is between a man and woman.' "
A campaign costing several million dollars is expected. Appling's group brought in conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly for a fund-raiser last week and has scheduled a "pastors summit" on the issue for May 16.
Wider implications
The referendum could have a political impact on other November contests, such as the fierce battle for governor between Doyle and Republican U.S. Rep. Mark Green of Green Bay.
The common wisdom is that state referendums on gay marriage helped boost GOP turnout in 2004, though some scholars dispute that.
"Having a gay marriage question on the ballot had little or no impact," said Emory University political scientist Alan Abramowitz.
But he said such a referendum might have more impact in a lower-turnout midterm election where the presidential race is not the overwhelming factor that draws people to the polls.
"It's going to draw out evangelicals. It's also going to draw out a lot of people on the other side. I think it will probably marginally improve the chances for Republicans," said Wolfe, of Marquette University.
Feingold offered a somewhat different prediction. "My view is not only is it possible this thing could be defeated," he said, "but it may end up driving turnout on the progressive side in a way that Republicans didn't anticipate."
From the May 8, 2006 editions of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
© 2006, Journal Sentinel Inc. All rights reserved.
